By Deacon Mike Manno
(The Wanderer) – Well, I guess all good things must come to an end. I’ve spent the last few weeks trying to avoid the elections and eventual commentary, but it’s time I get back to those topics. Although, so you don’t worry about me, I didn’t go cold turkey altogether: We did have a political editor on the radio program right after to discuss the results and we interviewed our attorney general elect right after her upset victory.
So now, back to business — or “regular order” in political speak.
As you know from reading the last few columns I have a thing for Philadelphia. It was my family home, both my parents were born there and I spent a lot of time in my youth visiting relatives every summer. Love the athletic teams; its history; the Mummers; Automat, Horn & Hardart, and the Eagle at Wanamaker’s.
So it is not unusual for me to follow Philly politics and that includes
statewide races for governor, senator, and president. Thus I took more than a
glancing look at this year’s Senate contest and from it I have developed some
ideas about what is wrong with our elections.
But first let’s refresh our
memories and take a quick look back at the 2020 results. During that election,
many states and local jurisdictions made several administrative changes in
their election procedures that they claimed were necessary due to the severity
of the pandemic. Many of those changes, such as unattended ballot drop boxes,
as well as questionable early voting and mail-in voting procedures, were blamed
for some major irregularities that infected that election and caused the ruckus
afterward.
Many of these were highlighted
in Mollie Hemingway’s 2021 book, Rigged: How the Media, Big Tech, and the
Democrats Seized Our Elections, and Dinesh D’Souza’s 2022 film, 2000 Mules,
among others.
As a consequence, many states
have revised their voting laws to curb abuses and to provide safer, more
trustworthy elections. Interestingly, the Pennsylvania legislature was among
those states that tried to make corrections in its election laws to curb some
of the abuses that were found, but Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf vetoed it.
Since to me, Pennsylvania is a
poster-child for how not to do things, I think it is interesting to look into
some of its problems to see what might be learned from it.
Of course one of the first
things we notice from the state results was that the Democratic candidate for
the U.S. Senate, John Fetterman, suffered a stroke during his primary and was
never truly cognitive throughout the campaign. Now, as a stroke victim myself,
I can sympathize with the man wanting to return to his profession (he was the
sitting lieutenant governor) as quickly as possible.
So how could this man be
elected especially after the debate performance he turned in gave lie to his
party’s claim that the effects of the stroke were no barrier to his service in
the Senate?
The easy answer, of course, is that early voting in the state began some 50
days before Election Day. Now one of the oldest chapters in the political
playbook deals with off-site voting: Those ballots that are cast outside the
view of election officials.
For as long as states
administered elections, political operatives have tried to obtain as many of
these early ballots as possible. Several methods are used, but the result is
the same for all: bag enough early votes — by hook or by crook — and you’ll
already have a nice lead before the Election Day itself. Some states even allow
political apparatchiks to gather those early ballots and return them to
designated receptacles.
Now it doesn’t take a rocket
scientist to see the mischief this could play in a close election.
Unfortunately for the Republicans, they emphasize voting in person on Election
Day and they haven’t quite caught up with the Democrats’ playbook here.
However, I suspect they will and will actually be better at that game than the
Dems. Of course when that happens everyone will decide that it is time to play
the game without all the early voting.
Of course it should be noted
that there are many valid reasons for early voting — illness, business travel,
armed forces, etc. so there should be a safe method to conduct it. But
obviously there needs to be better time constraints. There is no logical reason
for a 50-day period. Ten days to two weeks is surely enough.
But along with that we should
be discouraging as much of the mail-in voting as possible. The solution, during
this early voting period, is satellite stations, manned by election officials
where voters can go to cast early ballots in person. Now a central station,
opened normal business hours at the local courthouse, can easily fill the bill.
Outlying stations can be placed in libraries, city halls, and other public
places and do not need to be open every day for business hours. A library booth
might, for example, be open only on Wednesday mornings and Monday afternoons.
Thus early voters could be
channeled into “official” stations where IDs could be checked and normal
procedures for in-person voting could be used as would be done on the actual
day of election.
Now my next suggestion is
this: Close early voting on the Friday before the election. Then, over the
weekend, all the early votes cast — that will come in secured envelopes
validated by election officials — can be sorted into their proper precincts and
on Monday they should be delivered to the individual precinct where the voter
would have voted. The morning of the election, before the polls are open to the
public, judges and partisan observers could open the envelopes and put the
ballot through the tabulation machines for that precinct. Thus ending the
horrific delay in producing election results while waiting for the “early”
votes to be counted.
Now those that have been
mailed into the election office can be signature and ID verified by normal
election officials, along with partisan observers, verified, placed back into
their envelopes, and delivered to the proper precincts with the others.
My idea here is to limit the
number of people who must touch each ballot. Normally only the poll worker who
hands out the ballot and the voter touch the ballot before it is placed into
the tabulation machine. Under my plan that would only increase by one more
person if mail-in or early ballots are treated as I am suggesting.
Additionally, under this
proposal the authentication of early ballots would be much easier since it
would be done normally at satellite venues and in the election office for
mail-in ballots. And by voting those ballots in the voter’s home precinct, it
should eliminate the delay in tabulating all results and eliminate those hazy
boxes full of unidentified ballots that just happen to show up overnight.
Fortunately many states use
many of these procedures already, but it would be nice to have a uniform ballot
protection law that could mandate this throughout the nation. Of course it
would also require that the practice of ballot harvesting be banned in every
state.
The only other matter to
correct is to reinforce the constitutional requirement that only the state
legislature may regulate the “times, places, and manner of holding elections”
[Art.1 Sec. 4] for Congress. That was generally ignored by some states and
local officials in 2020 as they tried to tailor new rules to “concerns” over
the pandemic.
That, however, will probably
be done in the Supreme Court’s new term as it has agreed to hear a reapportionment
case from North Carolina, Moore v. Harper,
which deals with the same constitutional provision. Oral arguments in that case
are scheduled for December 7.
(You can reach Mike at:
DeaconMike@q.com and listen to him every Thursday on Faith On Trial at
https://iowacatholicradio.com/faith-on-trial/.)
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