By Catholic League president Bill Donohue
The waiting list to get into charter schools is
considerable in most cities. Most on the list are non-white. They want an
alternative to the public schools. Why? For the same reason that rich people
do: the public schools are unsatisfactory, and in many cases they are
positively dreadful. But unlike the rich, most minority parents cannot afford
to send their children to private schools.
Enrollment at Catholic schools during the pandemic is down
overall, though there are many important exceptions. Many low-income parents,
and those who are out of work, cannot pay the tuition. A report by the National
Catholic Educational Association (NCEA) found that "Disadvantaged
communities have been particularly affected by recent closures [of Catholic
schools] with more than half of the closed schools located in low-income urban
areas."
However, there are some places where Catholic enrollment
has surged—Boston and Cleveland are just two cities that have witnessed an
uptick. The NCEA study found that "In 2020, nearly 40% of Catholic schools
report that they have a waiting list for students—an increase of more than 11
percentage points from 2019." The increase is due to the failure of the
public schools to open. That there has been no outbreak of Covid cases in these
Catholic schools is undeniable.
One might think that those educators who are truly
interested in quality education for black and brown students might be promoting
charter schools and school choice. But few are. One of the most striking
attacks on charter, Catholic and Christian schools was published on April 12 in
USA Today by Derek W. Black and Rebecca Holcombe; he teaches law at the
University of South Carolina and she is the former Vermont Secretary of
Education.
They call for an end to charter schools and to
school-choice programs. In doing so, they are consigning minority students to
dead-end schools, the effect of which is to increase racial inequities. If
someone were to devise a policy to punish the poor—to deny upward social
mobility for Hispanics and African Americans—they could not suggest a better
way to do so.
Public school advocates have always been worried, if not
terrified, of competition. Their number-one goal has always been to create a
total public-school monopoly, even if it means discriminating against
minorities.
Black and Holcombe complain that some Christian schools
adopt textbooks that advance "anti-science and white-centric
ideology." Their resort to racist labeling is invidious, but this is what
we have come to expect from those who want to indoctrinate students in critical
race theory; it is now the norm in California.
These educators are exercised about a Christian textbook
that allegedly teaches that "dinosaurs and humans lived together."
They should instead worry about the California curriculum that teaches that
Jews are "gaining racial privilege."
Similarly, Black and Holcombe fret over a Catholic school
whose website says faith "is weaved into every aspect of life" at
school. It is a sure bet that they are not perturbed by public schools that
tell young boys and girls that they can switch their sex. Nor are they likely
to object to public schools that weave racism into every part of the
curriculum, including math.
If we were sincere about helping minority students, we
would promote more charter schools and fund more school-choice initiatives, the
exact opposite of what these two sages recommend.
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